At a special session of the Seim on the evening of the eleventh, Chkheidze and Gegechkori drew attention to the critical and perplexing state of affairs. Commissariat President Gegechkori stressed that Vehib's ultimatum did not correspond to the February 23 Turkish note proposing negotiations for peace and for recognition of the Transcaucasian government. Then Zhordania emphasized that all Transcaucasia longed for peace, but, unlike the Bolshevik traitors, it would not and would not condescend to a settlement equivalent to unconditional surrender. Batum, "the window to the West," was as vital to Transcaucasia as Petrograd was to Russia and Smyrna to Turkey. Moreover, without the great key fortress of Kars there could be no security. Alluding to what already seemed a bit of the fading past, Zhordania continued, "Defence of the boundary is defence of the Revolution!" Should Turkey attempt to justify the rape of Kars and Ajaria, the territory around Batum, by flaunting the principle of self-determination, then Transcaucasia would assert its rightful claim to Western Armenia. 7
On behalf of the Dashnakist "fraction," Avetik Shahkhatouni insisted on the four-point basis for peace so reluctantly accepted by his party during the March 1 session. Fathali Khan Khoisky, leader of the Musavat-Nonpartisan Moslem bloc, begged for a rational approach to the problem. What need was there to assume hostile attitudes, which would only embarrass the Transcaucasian delegation at Trabizond? Only when and if the parleys were unfruitful and only after determining without any doubt that the interests of Turkey were irreconcilable with those of the Caucasus should countermeasures be contemplated. Khan Khoisky could not refrain from pointing out that the Turkish viewpoint was quite logical. After all, the Ottoman government had offered to recognize Transcaucasia as a separate political entity and had even suggested the commissioning of envoys to Brest. Since the proposal had been rejected and a definite answer to Turkey delayed, the Sublime Porte felt compelled to regard Transcaucasia as an integral part of Russia and therefore subject to all provisions of the Brest-Litovsk treaty. 8 Social Revolutionary Ivan Lordkipanidze called for mobilisation. Turning to the benches of the Musavat delegates, he asked the party to declare its readiness to stand in defence of Transcaucasia in the event of renewed hostilities. Concurring with Zhordania's appraisal, the lone Kadet, Semenov, added that the Turks were imitating the German tactic of negotiating on the one hand while preparing for invasion on the other. Khan Khoisky, aroused to a defence of his views, exclaimed to the applause of the Moslem members that the political circumstances now necessitated a definite stand in relation to independence. As if ignoring the statement, the Seim, its ambivalence revealing helplessness, resolved to sustain the Commissariat in efforts to negotiate, on the assumption, however, that Turkey's desire for peace, expressed on several occasions, was sincere. 9
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